Can you, like, see the signals?
by Mike Guest
Originally appeared in the Daily Yomiuri On-Line Oct 2002
Most readers are probably aware of a habit that many native Japanese speakers have when telling a story or giving a lengthy explanation, the habit of punctuating nearly every phrase with “ne” or “sa”. When overused, a quality often attributed (often unfairly, in my view) to young women, it can be grating on the ears and actually interfere with communication. But when used liberally, such items can serve an important signaling function that actually enriches the language.
To illustrate this let us look at a similarly used English term, “like”. As with the Japanese “ne” and “sa” some native English speakers insert this item into every third or fourth word in their speech. Similar to its Japanese counterparts, this quality is often attributed to young (usually American) women, but in fact the frequency of “like” being used as a grammatical signal is becoming more widely used by native speakers of both sexes, all ages and varying nationalities.
How so? Well, let’s look at some examples that I have heard in actual speech recently.
In sample 1 above, “like” serves an illustrative function. It signals that what follows the term is not his actual words but his feelings. “Like” here implies that what follows is inexact but provides the listener with a general emotional framework. Readers will probably agree that the impact of #1 is markedly different from, “When she asked me to move out, I was confused and couldn’t understand why?”.
In sample 2, “like” signals a figurative, not literal interpretation of the event. It keeps the communicative impact but allows the listener to know that this is the speaker’s subjective interpretation. In case 3, “like” serves something of a softening function. Although the speaker is expressing anger, the inclusion of “like” reduces the confrontational nature of the sentence somewhat.
Such a signaling function can be noted in the currently popular phrase “I mean” when it is inserted mid-sentence to signal an elaboration (“Why don’t they give me some ideas, I mean, am I supposed to do it all by myself”?) or a summary (“That space is too narrow, I mean, how am I supposed to get my car in there”?).
Words and phrases that soften assertions are also common and crucial to communication. Among these are “sort of” and “kind of” (often rendered as “sorta” and “kinda” in speech and some written texts). The usage of these terms allows the speaker to make a less direct assertion, signaling that other interpretations or possibilities may be valid. “When I asked him about what happened he sort of looked away” is a much less certain statement than ““When I asked him about what happened he looked away”.
Other words and phrases that may seem overused also serve important signaling functions. “Just”, for example, is commonly used as an intensifier: “He just sat there and didn’t say a thing. He just ignored everything I said” indicates not only the singular focus the subject had on sitting and ignoring the speaker, but also indicate the speaker’s frustration with those actions. In doing so they mirror intensifying and emotional Japanese language features such as v-panashi, or v-te shimau.
Another phrase which English native speakers often pepper their speech with is “you know”. In fact, this can serve various important signaling functions too. Let’s look at three examples again heard in actual recent native English speaker speech :
In sample 1 the signaling function is the announcement of surprising or shocking news. In sample 2, it signals a type of personal confession or decision made. It also has the social function of somewhat softening the following statement. And in sample 3, it adds an intensifying, challenging quality much like the Japanese “da yo!” (note the usage of “like” in sample 3 too).
“So…”and “Well…” serve important signaling functions too. “So” can signal the start of a friendly or relaxed conversation. For example, after being introduced at a party, “So, how long have you been in Japan?” comes across as less direct and intrusive than the same sentence without the “so”. Or, after getting vital patient information, a doctor would probably help a patient relax better by asking, “So, what seems to be the problem?”.
“Well” has the function of signaling a longer-than-expected response. For example, if someone asked me where I was from, they might be expecting a simple one-word answer. But that isn’t possible in my case, so I’d have to answer something like this: “Well, I was born in England and grew up mostly in Canada but I’ve lived in Japan for 15 years, seven in Miyazaki”. “Well” here signals that my response is not going to be as simple as the questioner may have intended.
So, what are teachers or learners to gain from all this? Well, it is to recognize that signal items such as these have important communicative functions that should be taught or highlighted. Too often textbook writers or teachers omit them from model or sample conversations because they appear either unnecessary to the communicative point or because they seem too inelegant or inarticulate. But to hide these from our students would be a disservice. After all, who can function in Japanese without using the occasional “ne”, “sa” or “da yo”? It’s just a matter of following the signals.